Future of Trans-Atlantic Collaboration on China: What EU-China Summit Showed

Written by | Thursday, July 16th, 2020

The recent EU-China Summit made clear that while both the United States and Europe are both moving toward a tougher and more critical view of China, European governments aren’t anywhere near as tough. Instead, they are trying to advance their distinct interests, which means emphasizing cooperation and partnership with China along with vigorous competition and criticism. Understanding the US allies’ approaches to China is important because virtually every critique of President Donald Trump’s foreign policy charges that his administration acts “unilaterally” and that Washington should be “working with our allies.” Whenever presumptive Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden discusses foreign policy, he is explicit that working with our allies will be a pillar of his approach, including on China policy. And rightly so – the U.S. will be much stronger and have greater leverage in addressing China if we develop and execute policies jointly with our allies and friends.

But what common policies are possible? The US can’t work on a collaborative approach towards China unless it first understands how its allies see and act on their own interests. The US needs to be as clear-eyed as possible, not cherry-picking European viewpoints that match its own and misperceiving what collaborations with Europe are realistic. And the US will need to take European interests into account as we work with them to forge collaborative policies and actions. Hence, the EU-China summit indicated both the potential and the challenges of trans-Atlantic collaboration on China. Europe’s position towards China has toughened. But the official EU statement issued after the summit is headlined: “EU-China Summit: Defending EU Interests and Values in a Complex and Vital Partnership.” The word “partnership” has basically disappeared in U.S. policy and most policy debates about China, replaced by “competition,” “rivalry,” even “confrontation.” The nuanced U.S. policy advocates add various degrees of “cooperation,” while others omit that word altogether. Yes, the EU’s headlined “partnership” with China is labelled “complex” and requires “defending EU interests and values,” but partnership with China is still seen as “vital.”

In the Q&A after her press conference statement, EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen also referred specifically to the March 2019 EU Commission document titled: “EU-China: A Strategic Outlook.” It is the most important recent statement of EU policy, and clearly signaled the sharper EU approach to China, but it describes the EU-China relationship in a multifaceted way – in particular, many observers have correctly underscored the “systemic rival” concept as an importantly new and much tougher way the EU describes China. But too many observers have ignored the other concepts that the EU embraces in the very same sentence: “cooperation partner,” “negotiating partner,” and “economic competitor.” Von der Leyen confirmed that this multifaceted strategy remains the EU approach, and indeed we saw this complex approach in action during the EU-China Summit. The official EU statements after the summit were tough on several subjects – most importantly, the economic relationship with China and human rights – and on others struck a more cooperative tone.

Economic issues are clearly a top interest for Europe. The Europeans’ increasing toughness on trade and investment largely overlaps with U.S. concerns: China’s unfair and non-reciprocal economic behavior regarding market access; its state-owned enterprises and subsidies; its multi-faceted efforts to acquire ownership of European high technology; and the need to have rules-based governance of these economic areas. EU leaders expressed repeated impatience with slow progress in multi-year negotiations with China on a comprehensive investment agreement. Both the EU and China spoke of trying to conclude a deal “by the end of the year,” but as the EU leaders said rather euphemistically, this will require “more ambition on the Chinese side.” It follows that concrete collaboration between the U.S. and Europe would generate more leverage in changing China’s unfair economic practices. Important opportunities exist to jointly push shared economic interests, including on China’s subsidies, protecting cutting-edge high technology and intellectual property, government procurement policies, market access to China, evening the playing field within China, harmonizing rules on inbound investment, WTO reform, and even considering new multilateral high standards trade entities.

The EU also used strong language about human rights, the new National Security Law for Hong Kong recently rubber-stamped by Beijing, Xinjiang, Tibet, and arbitrary detentions of named individuals. The EU has also been underscoring challenges to democracies arising from authoritarian systems – China, as well as the even more direct intrusions by Russia. These are areas where Europe has been significantly toughening its approach and where closer collaboration between the U.S. and Europe could put more effective pressure on China. EU leaders also expressed concern about maintaining “the rules-based international system” and multilateral approaches, inappropriate “Chinese influence” and “disinformation” activities, and “adhering to international standards to support sustainable development.” These are other areas where the U.S. and Europe can and should be working together closely. Updating and strengthening the rules-based international system is especially important. If a new U.S. president is elected in November, there are likely large opportunities to work with Europe on pushing for updated international institutions that reflect our shared ideas and pushing back on Chinese proposals that we oppose. But, at the same time, the EU leaders also underscored that “engaging and cooperating with China is both an opportunity and necessity.” They noted that Europe and China have been working together on Covid-19, climate change, and to some extent on sustainable development. They underscored that “economic interdependency is high,” with both shared benefits and problems.

From all of this, it seems clear that the U.S. can and should work with our European allies in various areas related to China, perhaps most importantly trade and investment issues, human rights, and updating the international system in ways that reflect our values and interests and opposing inappropriate changes that China is pushing. But there are problems in developing a collaborative approach with the Europeans, and we need to see these clearly. As things currently stand, U.S. and European interests related to China hardly converge across the board. Indeed there are significant differences among different European countries, which China has been exploiting. Nor have European policymakers followed the U.S. in starkly shifting their approach away from cooperation with China. To be sure, debates about China policy are now vigorous in Europe. Covid-19 and “wolf warrior” diplomacy have hurt perceptions of China among many Europeans, and Covid-19 has also affected European worldviews more generally. Europe’s trend toward a tougher approach to China may accelerate and move closer to that of the United States.

‚The Future of Trans-Atlantic Collaboration on China: What the EU-China Summit Showed‘ – Article by Paul Gewirtz – The Brookings Institution.

The Article can be downloaded here

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